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Post-revolution: will the democracy win?
Published in Alriyadh on 27 - 03 - 2011

Post-revolutions fears started a public obsession not because of the recent gap but the fear of new snatchers. This is the situation in Egypt and Tunisia whose ways are not clear. There are warnings made by the foreign media which nominate the religious trends to be the substitute since they are the most organizing group.
As for other countries which are experiencing disorders lead by people who want change, the demands were freedom, justice and democracy which are hindered for a long time to the extent that the Arabian with his tribal and religious trends said not to be ready for those successful ideas applied in the whole world. Along with the revolutions, the calculations and theories changed to that Arabian is a human who hope to live as others in the whole world. But will the preparations for democracy prevent the security collapse that may lead to revolution relapse?
The common poverty and illiteracy fight vs. a parasite wealth which grew up in the shadow of these authorities which created two classes: a prosperous class which did not make a real development but only fast profits and a lower one which live below the poverty line. They end the middle class which is supposed to include the educated and intellectuals and is margined because of corruption. This corruption did not consider that those classes cannot move and change the situation; so, these circumstances will make it harder to apply the democracy through the free elections. This does not mean the return of the old classes when the revolution demands are not achieved, but it will be achieved through an open national dialogue to meet the revolution desires and demands in order not to block the horizon nor to allow any party or military force to jump over and repeat the same scenario, which will lead to worse actions, instead of democracy.
Some other societies are going through internal fights: sectarian, tribal and governmental. In these circumstances, they ask for a ruling substitute but the structure of national authority which gathers unbreakable union is still foggy. We may find a resemblance between Yemen and Libya but the latter's breach of union is covered with international forces, oil resources and the amounts of money owned by Al Gaddafi, his family and supporters if it will be spent for a real development that pave the way to a democratic political role for the poor.
Yemen has many risks. The desire for change is moved by the internal situation, but what if the substitute appeared, would he succeed to unite the split internal forces in harmony? Will people be responsible for the transition period? Or will the events change to unpredicted situation?


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