Between the call to form a democratic and social front for confronting the decision taken by Abdelilah Benkirane's government to raise fuel prices and the organization by some opposition factions of crowded demonstrations throughout the country to condemn the measures which revived the social tensions, the Moroccan government is going through a difficult stage threatening with its disbandment in case parliament is approached to request a withdrawal of confidence. What enhances this theory is the fact that the strike led by syndical unions in the 1990s with the support of their allies in the opposition – i.e. the Istiqlal and Socialist Union parties – led among other things to the presentation of a plea to topple the government of former Prime Minister Azzeddine Laraki and the emergence of the signs of comprehensive coordination raising the slogan of constitutional reforms. And it seems based on the current developments, that the two parties are drawing inspiration from this experience, with the only difference that the implementation of the constitutional reforms file has been put on the right track. But while the economic and social crises escalated, Benkirane settled for facing them with the so-called indexation recipe, i.e. the adjustment of the prices based on the value of the oil bill and the fluctuation of the dollar. Nevertheless, the government's weakness is not limited to this facet, as it also affects the arrival of the consultations to form its second version to a dead end following the withdrawal of the Istiqlal Party ministers, and the difficulty to agree with a new ally, i.e. the National Rally of Independents, over a consensual formula to secure a parliamentary majority. The current predicament might have encouraged the opposition to escalate the confrontation which resorted to the street for the first time, after it was believed that the street's action will be distanced from the partisan and political battles. And when the Istiqlal Party reiterates that it took to the street without its position having anything to do with the withdrawal of its ministers from the government, and when it calls on its historical ally, the Socialist Union Party, to form a front including the leftist forces, the syndical unions and the components of civil society, the confrontation with the government takes a political dimension. Hence, the government is in an awkward position, since it can neither recant the measures it ratified in the absence of any dialogue guaranteeing the approval of the economic and financial necessities they imposed, nor can it go far in ratifying the package of social reforms affecting the clearing system that features the state's subsidization of consumer products such as flour, oil, and sugar, since it lacks a supporting majority. The Moroccan government had welcomed earlier statements issued by the opposition, saying it did not wish to topple it and was interested in ensuring the success of the new political experience. Among the results of this development was the emergence of voices from inside the ruling Justice and Development Party, calling for realism and for practicing a certain level of self-criticism. The party was pushed by political necessities to open up to yesterday's foes, including the National Rally of Independents, which was the object of accusations by the party's hawks. But this did not help overcome the governmental crisis, which is believed to have encouraged the opposition factions to move to a higher speed. It is likely to see the ruling party offering concessions that would tempt the Rally of Independents and end the crisis in light of the restraints affecting its margin of maneuver, or to see the party of former Finance Minister Salaheddine Mezouar joining the opposition and severing all ties with the prime minister, thus hastening the toppling of his government. But the threats to withdraw confidence have not yet materialized and are a weapon kept by the opposition until the time is right. For its part, the ruling party is not concealing the fact that it holds pressure cards, and could call for anticipate elections. But this risky option will not defuse the governmental crisis, considering that the Justice and Development Party will eventually be forced to seek new allies, at a time when no opposition party appears willing to extend a safety rope to it unless more than one reviewing and development take place. The democratic solution is the only one capable of sparing the Moroccan experience from the dangerous reproduction of the Egyptian or Tunisian experience, with a difference in intensity and decisiveness. At this level, the loud leading voices emerging from inside the party reveal it is about to recognize the balances of power that were greatly flawed, knowing that between the slogan calling for the departure of the government and this government's submission to the rules of the political game, the experience is tilting in favor of appeasement. In previous experiences, consecutive governments were forced to reconsider agendas inspired by the international monetary institutions, under the pressures of the syndical unions. But this happened after the country witnessed tragic turmoil. Today, and because no one wishes to repeat such an experience, common grounds must be found to restore to the political scene some of the luster of the post-spring climate. Apparently, the opposition parties want to take to the street to confirm they enjoy the ability to place the pot on the fire, and lift it before it boils and overflows. What remains to be seen is whether or not the messages were delivered or went to the wrong address, knowing there is a link pulling the majority and the opposition in the same direction, i.e. that of stability, first and foremost.
