In politics, there are no permanent friends or foes; only permanent interests. And with the Assembly elections up ahead at the end of the current communist government's lackluster five-year term in Kerala, the one permanent interest – the vote – has come into play again, forcing aside all considerations of past political equations for now. That's why Abdul Nasser Madani, a Muslim political leader who last month became the southern Indian state's most high profile terrorist suspect, finds himself in a cell in neighboring Karnataka state with no sign of any significant support forthcoming from his home state, neither from his erstwhile Marxist comrades nor from the prominent sections of the Muslim community. Progressive Democratic party (PDP) leader Abdul Nasser Madani was arrested by the Karnataka police from his stronghold, an orphanage at Anwarssery in Kollam, Kerala, on July 25. He was charged with organizing militant activities, specifically the 2008 serial blasts in Bangalore, and having links with outlawed extremist organizations, including the Pakistan-based Lashkar-e-Taiba. Madani is also being investigated for alleged involvement in the twin explosions near a Bangalore cricket stadium on the eve of an IPL Twenty-20 match on April 17 this year. Madani's goose appears to be cooked for one other reason: neighboring Karnataka state is the southern bastion of the Hindu fundamentalist Bharatiya Janata Perty (BJP) whose Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) thugs had tried to assassinate him in 1992. (Madani lost his right leg in the attack.) Moreover, the PDP leader was an accused in the 1998 serial bomb blasts that rocked Coimbatore ahead of an election meeting to be addressed by senior BJP leader L.K. Advani. The attacks left 58 people dead and more than 200 injured. Madani was acquitted in the case in 2007, after spending nine years behind bars. Madani's arrest during the peak of the Onam harvest festival in the state had sparked fears of a backlash from his supporters – real and perceived – in the Kerala Muslim community. It was with this in mind that I drove down to Kerala last week, during the thick of the Onam festivities coinciding with the Muslim holy month of fasting. On the street, from the Muslim business hubs of Mattancherry in Kochi to Bhimapalli in Tiruvananthapuram, the state capital in the far south, the general opinion was that Madani must face the consequences if he's found guilty. “Kerala Muslims will not be made scapegoats in this,” said Niyaz, a worker at a cardamom godown in Mattancherry. Nonetheless, he feared that “our dirty politicians are capable of staging a backlash that may go against the community.” From Noushad, a taxi driver at Fort Kochi and many other Muslims I met during my week-long trip, I heard that Muslims in central and south Kerala have zero tolerance for terrorism. Those I spoke to were generally traders, drivers or manual laborers. But nearly every one of them had a son or daughter either working as engineers or medical doctors or studying in professional colleges. Most of them also had a family member or close relative in the Gulf. Unlike a decade ago, Kerala Muslims today are rightly proud of their social status, not only for their economic rise as business and property owners across the state but also for their tremendous achievement in spearheading the recent development of Kerala's educational, health and tourism infrastructures. My focus on this part of Kerala was because it was where Madani had achieved what the mainstream Muslim party, the Indian Union Muslim League (IUML) had not: develop a support base by positioning the PDP as a leader of the minorities, depressed classes and marginalized sections. Madani's political comeback took pace in the 2009 parliamentary elections when the Left Democratic Front (LDF), a coalition headed by Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPI(M)), used him in a vain effort to tap Muslim votes. The LDF was however trounced, winning only 4 out of 20 seats. For the Assembly elections elections early next year, Madani appears to be no longer a vote-getter. The IUML, though having made the customary noises about Madani being arrested in Ramadan, is unlikely to push the matter much further. In Bhimapalli, none of the Muslim shopowners I spoke to appeared concerned about Madani's arrest. At Karunagapally near Madani's stronghold, Raju, a Hindu who had a roadside shop extending from his modest house, was proud to note that land prices in his town have become the highest in the state. “I don't know why but Muslims are buying into this area and the land prices have soared,” he said. “It's good for everybody.” He added: “We Hindus, Muslims and Christians have all lived together so well for ages. So long as the land (‘naadu') improves, why should we bother about the RSS nuts or the Madanis who can only make a lot of noise but have not yet won a single assembly or parliamentary seat.” “In Kerala, people vote with their minds and not with whatever it is that they may harbor in their hearts,” he added, pointing to a string of English and Malayalam newspapers and newsmagazines hanging in front of his shop. “It's all in the papers,” he said, “and we know how to handle it.” Kerala is India's most literate state. – SG Feedback: [email protected] __
