If General Abdel Fattah al-Sisi is in need to complete his image as a national hero who represents "the symbol of Egypt's dignity and the freedom of its decision," and who stands up to all those who meddle in its internal affairs, he has now been given an opportunity on a golden platter to do just that, with the recent U.S. decision to curtail military and financial aid to the Egyptian army. Perhaps Sisi does not need for matters to reach a dramatic extent equal to what we saw under Nasser with the nationalization of the Suez Canal. Moreover, he is not able to bring about a radical coup in military ties between the Egyptian and American armies, in a flipped version of what Sadat had done when he expelled Soviet experts from Egypt in 1972. To be sure, circumstances in Egypt and the treaties it has to abide by at this stage (especially Camp David) do not permit the restoration of the nationalistic glare of Gamal Abdel Nasser, despite some Egyptian nostalgia to that era. Likewise, they do not allow for all of Egypt's eggs to be taken out of the American basket in retaliation for the U.S. recent decision. But certainly, Egyptian-American ties are undergoing a phase that, to say the least, is critical, ever since July 3. The recent U.S. decision was the culmination of this phase. The U.S. administration can deem this decision to be symbolic and temporary, aiming at not more than sending a ‘clear message' to Cairo, after the toppling of President Mohamed Morsi and the emergence of the current interim administration. However, the decision for many Egyptian officials is more than symbolic. They see it as a flagrant and brazen meddling in internal Egyptian affairs. Regardless of the justifications for the U.S. decision, and how it relates to developments after July 3, what is indisputable is that the decision is more than three months late. This delay makes it appear as though the decision was made to serve Sisi's opponents, more than to serve the principles cited by the Obama administration in making its decision – that is, the pretense of defending democracy and human rights in Egypt. Indeed, those who want to defend these principles should have made the appropriate decision at the appropriate time. If they had made up their mind back then, they could have spared Egypt, the Egyptians, and the military administration itself the political and security crises they faced in attempting to control the internal situation. In other words, the leverage the U.S. administration had with the leaders of the Egyptian army on the one hand, and with the leaders of the former Muslim Brotherhood-led administration, on the other, could have set up a road map to forestall the sharp polarization now seen in the Egyptian street, ultimately leading to national reconciliation without excluding any side from the political process. Now, after this reconciliation became more elusive, especially with the recent decision to dissolve the Muslim Brotherhood, the decision to curtail U.S. aid will only further increase the popularity of the current administration in Egypt, especially after the positive reactions to Sisi's response to the U.S. defense secretary's phone call notifying him of the decision. Sisi told the secretary that Egypt does not bow down to any foreign pressure meant to influence its internal decisions. On top of that, the Egyptians can only understand Washington's reassurances that the cut in aid would not impact Camp David commitments or the Egyptian army's operations in Sinai as an insult to the national role of the Egyptian army and its responsibilities – as though its mission, in the eyes of the Obama administration, is limited to protecting the requirements of that treaty and maintaining peace with Israel, as Washington sees this as a crucial strategic issue for its policy in the region. Obama made a bad faux pas. If he meant to put pressure on General Sisi through freezing some aid to the Egyptian army, and improve the conditions for internal reconciliation, it is exactly the opposite that has happened. Obama has created an opportunity for Sisi to rally Egyptians around him, as he has now turned in the eyes of his supporters into a "national symbol" who stands up to U.S. meddling in Egypt. Meanwhile, the Muslim Brotherhood's image is now one of a party seeking support and protection from abroad, which is more than their opponents were wishing for.
