The speaker needs no introduction. He is Hashemi Rafsanjani, from the first generation. He was beside the man who triggered the revolution and gained his trust. He tried the Shah's prisons and the injustice of his institutions. He can't be accused of being a stranger; that an embassy can affect his moves; or that he is biased to the “hypocrites”. Moreover, he is the head of two pivotal bodies in the system today: the Expediency Council and the Assembly of Experts. He is a pragmatic conservative. He does not violate constants, but he is aware that living in this world where interests are intertwined needs a lot of flexibility, maneuvering, and moderation. The location also has a known symbolism; Tehran University's prayer hall. It is from there that great messages are sent to the sons of the Revolution. It is from there that the Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei appeared after the presidential elections to give his blessing on Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's legitimacy, thus going beyond the doubts on the legitimacy of his victory. It is there that Rafsanjani went back for a speech that will definitely leave a mark on the course of the open crisis. Rafsanjani wasn't expected to gesture with his clenched fist, as this is not his style; or to use injurious words, as this is not in his dictionary. It is why people waited for him. He has full legitimacy to talk about the fate of the revolution in whose victory he took part, and about the Republic he managed then occupied various positions in it. It is no secret that there is no amiability between him and Ahmadinejad, who tried to accuse him of corruption. This led the Supreme Leader to issue him a warning and commend Rafsanjani. Rafsanjani spoke brilliantly, without issuing categorical or provocative judgments. He presented himself as the man involved in saving the Republic from the danger of sliding and saving the Revolution from getting caught in a broad separation with its sons. He didn't stop at the Supreme Leader. He went back to Imam Khomeini and his concern of directly depending on the people. He said that the people are the true judge and hence its opinion must be respected. He said there had been hope for the popular participation to be crowned with free elections. The lack of categorical and direct judgments does nothing to ease the gravity of Rafsanjani's words. His most serious words were his assertion from that tribune that the country is going through “difficult and bitter days”. It is a confirmation of the existence of a deep crisis that poses a danger to the regime. He spoke of a crisis of trust. He called for working towards restoring the people's trust in the regime. It can be said that Rafsanjani struck a strong blow to the official tale that considered that the protests brought by Mir Hossein Mousavi are the fruit of foreign instigation. This tale was preparing people to consider the protest leaders traitors or puppets controlled by the enemies of the Revolution. Such accusations are considered to be the necessary prelude for isolating and oppressing protesters, and perhaps liquidating some of their symbols. In one speech, Rafsanjani foiled the efforts made by the senior officials to portray the post-elections events as the product of an external problem rather than an internal one. The call he made for everyone to respect the law enters in the same context. Calling official institutions to commit to the boundaries of the law implies accusing them of transgressing these boundaries. When Rafsanjani calls for the release of the detainees and the compensation of the injured, this means he denies the bodies the right to arrest them. Also, this call was addressed in the presence of Mousavi, who considered that Ahmadinejad's new government will lack legitimacy. Hashemi Rafsanjani has revealed the gravity of the incidents Iran is witnessing. It is a deep crisis that has harmed the Supreme Leader's aura, questioned the president's legitimacy, and tainted the image of the institutions. Rafsanjani made a speech that was supposed to be made by the Supreme Leader following the announcement of the election results. Had the Supreme Leader made it, the crisis would've been on the solution track, or would've taken a less serious path. During his first term, Ahmadinejad conducted himself like a fighter addressing his strikes at the external enemies. During his second term, he will have to receive the internal strikes too. It may be affirmed that the Iranian revolution, along with its regime, its Supreme Leader, and its president, has entered a great test.
