It does not seem that the crisis being overcome by the National Rally of Independents (RNI – Rassemblement National des Indépendants) in Morocco is distinct from a deeper political struggle that has not found its way to becoming a partisan and political reality, one fit to encompass the characteristics of the current phase. Despite more than a decade having passed since the death of King Hassan II, the influence of his impact on the political scene has not waned, whether at the level of the forced birth of political parties falling under state control, or at the level of historical authorities of reference continuing to shape political activity, ruled by the nostalgia of agreement between the state and political parties. For the RNI to have a new leadership is a matter that does not exceed replacing one number with another, and so far the changes that have reached some political leaderships have been unable to institute a partisan democracy that would have an influential extension on the street. Furthermore, boldness in criticizing and evaluating the phenomenon of political abstention has so far failed to tear down all red lines. Former opposition parties, who were more influential in moving the street and in putting forth political initiatives, have leaned on the seats of power ever since the successive coalition governments that came after 1998. Moreover, government amendments are nothing more than plastic surgery to promote features afflicted by impotence and fatigue. Meanwhile, the role that was supposed to be played by the opposition has disappeared, between calls for moral reform followed by the Islamic Justice and Development Party (PJD – Parti de la Justice et du Développement), and an irritating hesitancy in stances which right-wing parties have failed to turn into a true political deterrent. Yet the proliferation of political parties, in a number exceeding forty, did not produce a qualitative added value in terms of enriching the political scene, but has instead increased the dispersion of efforts, after having been viewed as a positive transformation and part of a process of opening up that would counter exclusion. Usually the tendency to form strong partisan poles monopolizes the positions of government and opposition, with the central margin that allows this or that side to prevail being required to gather forces and produce movements with a popular base in the circles of public opinion. But was it necessary to sprout out the largest number of political parties, through schisms and hybrid births, for resorting to polarization to become inevitable? Or does such a phenomenon remain a natural one in light of unleashing initiatives to found parties under the ceiling of abiding by the laws that regulate political activity? The decision to make way for new political elites is not unsound. In fact, it is the very embodiment of soundness if it comes as an expression of intellectual and political necessities and of forces that would instill the activity of political parties with credibility and efficiency. Furthermore, demographic factors as well as social, political and economic transformations have imposed themselves on the reality of Morocco, in its domestic space and regional ties. It was thus inevitable for these changes to reflect on the political partisan scene, if not in a manner that reaches ideas, work methods and influential fields of interaction, then at least through awareness of the importance of the change needed, which starts with self-criticism and assessing the experience. The logic of political conflict in which and around which political parties, labor union coalitions and popular organization were established no longer stands the way it did over the last four decades of the past century, not just because it ended in consensus the necessity and conclusion of which all partners recognized, but also because the change in positions opened people's eyes to facts that had remained obscured. Most prominent is the fact that the challenges of facing economic and social problems do not leave a margin to be confronted by anything other than a massive political project, one based on the alternation of power through democratic means in which there is no place for monopoly or for forcefully excluding others. Politicians in Morocco agree on the fact that they have achieved something great, no less important than placing the country on the path of democratic takeoff, purporting to a split from the negative practices that formed elections and the map of political parties in proportion to the wishes of the state. Certainly such an achievement is of notable benefit for the decision-makers, but organizing honest and transparent elections is not an end in itself. Rather, it is a means to formulating the will of the people, even if the voting process, the division of districts and the influence of campaigns and competition are essential elements in adapting any popular consultation. More importantly, democratic selection should be equivalent to expanding popular participation and the appearance of new ideas, initiatives and elites qualified to manage the country's affairs according to the wishes and the aspirations of the public. While recognizing that the political party scene in Morocco has become fit for a political achievement that would rearrange positions before the challenges of 2010, it would be an error to deal with it like dough that would flow into a packaged mold. Indeed, dough requires yeast, and that is part of the internal interactions that are maturing over the fire of tranquil convictions. It is yet another decade, in which nature may do what mankind is incapable of. And it has dawned on party authorities that they must follow the pulse of the street if they want to survive.
