One step forward, and one step back; one step to the right, then one to the left; this is how the Ennahda movement in Tunisia moves away from the resignation of the government of Ali al-Arid, the only acceptable prelude for serious dialogue followed by real change. But it is no secret that behind the stumbling and the stalemate, there are many disagreements within the Muslim Brotherhood-affiliated movement in Tunisia. In truth, those who want to offer real concessions are those who are most attentive of the facts that are difficult to conceal. Such facts include, in addition to the economic and political failure of Ennahda's rule, the Muslim Brotherhood's collapse in Egypt, the setback suffered by the Muslim Brotherhood in Turkey, and the dented position of Omar al-Bashir's Islamists in Sudan, who are facing growing difficulties in maintaining the unity of their own ruling party. In addition to the above, there is the advice the Americans and the Europeans have given to Ghanouchi and his comrades, advice that has direct economic consequences in the event of both compliance and non-compliance. The same can be said about the Tunisian bourgeoisie, which has an undeniable interest in stability. But these weighty considerations, apparently, are not enough to push a ruling party that exaggerates the popular mandate it has, to relinquish power. This is while bearing in mind that the Tunisian Brotherhood's move in this direction would be conducive to the efforts to rescue the Muslim Brotherhood in general. Indeed, whatever the position one might have about them, the Muslim Brotherhood remains a solid part of the representative map in a number of Arab countries. Saving the Brotherhood from itself therefore remains a prerequisite for political stability, and for facilitating political transition. Above this, Tunisia's ‘Brotherhood,' if the group acts now, can rescue the ‘Arab Spring' itself. To be sure, the Arab Spring's gains are receding while its reputation is turning somber: From the unrest in Egypt, most recently with the bloody clashes on October 6, to the rise of the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS) and al-Nusra Front, and their assault on the more moderate forces, to the immunity exhibited by the militias and the tribal configuration in Libya, there are growing reasons for why that ‘Spring' needs to be treated and set straight. Tunisia might be the country most qualified for this role, for reasons that have been listed and discussed at length. To be sure, the cradle of the first Arab uprising also happens to be the theater of Bourguiba's modernization, and its implications for education, women's rights, the expansion of the middle class, and the role of trade unions. This is in addition to the presence of a clear and overwhelming religious-sectarian majority, and Tunisia's distance from hotbeds of regional tension (e.g. Israel and Iran), something that otherwise has a huge capacity for turning revolutions into regional crises. Yet Tunisia and its Brotherhood, particularly after what happened in Egypt, has another advantage, namely the weakness of the army and its lack of political involvement, not to mention the fact that the military establishment there has little to no economic interests. This tempts one to assume that it might be possible to topple the Brotherhood-led regime without falling into the trap of a military coup. If this happens, then Tunisia would have put forward a model that the Tunisians can be proud of, including the Muslim Brotherhood, though it remains hesitant.
