By opting to support the “message of the opposition," the former Moroccan Prime Minister, Abdul Rahman al-Yousefi, decided to return to the political arena, following a long seclusion, through peaceful coup, both calm and exciting. The man was once deemed the engineer of the power rotation par excellence. He was also heavily criticized for moving his party, the Socialist Union, from the camp of the opposition to the cabinet that he headed in 1998. This same man is now calling for enhancing the party's position within the opposition group. However, Al-Yousefi's comeback to the forefront came accompanied with pieces of advice, rather than active political work that he had insisted on abandoning, the day he thought that the “democratic methodology" had been adversely affected following the 2002 elections. A decade later, the members of his party had to admit that they made a mistake when they decided to remain in the government following that turnaround. However, Al-Yousefi's acknowledgment that his party suffered five defeats summarizes something bigger than a disappointment, pointing at a feeling that the leftist party that had once been a point of attraction has become open to defeats that moved it from the forefront to the back rows. This acknowledgment is important, because the self-criticism that the socialist leader had once used to push his supporters from the opposition to the government side is now the same, even if used bitterly, to rebuild the trust and re-activate the partisan and political work at a time when the Islamic party, (the Justice and Development) had climbed to the top and surprised everyone when it knocked its leftist opponent down. If Al-Yousefi's comrades consider that the confrontation with the Abdelilah Benkirane cabinet is similar to the battle of Troy, Al-Yousefi seemed mostly interested in preserving the national memory. He certainly remembers that the Justice and Development's Islamists supported him as he formed the first power rotation cabinet. He now seems to be concerned with consolidating the power of the Socialist Union at the upcoming municipal elections, since these elections will take place according to a more important agenda, specifically with respect to granting the governorates wide jurisdictions to run the local affairs. This means that the power of the central government will be regressing and that the economic and social burdens will be lessened. Al-Yousefi broke his long silence to speak about the available means for the leftist party to have a decent presence at the municipal elections. By saying that, Al-Yousefi moved the battle from the political aspect – which is characterized with a form of ideological differences – to the field aspect, which allows for testing the government's will, its good governance, and its response to the Street's aspirations. During times of political pressure and the conflicts between the opposition and the Authority, the main opposition parties were particularly powerful in the main cities, while the rural areas constituted a reservoir for the pro-government parties through elections that were often questioned and criticized. The government has so far failed to come up with an agenda of the upcoming deadlines. Uncertainty is still prevailing on whether a new constitution will be passed or whether the second chamber of the parliament will remain as per the pre-constitution's structure. Most likely however, coming up with the features of the regional system will require more time, because such a strategically important decision requires a more global dialogue. The developments of the Sahara file are weighing this decision down, because its implementation should be launched from the Sahara governorates and then be applied to the rest of the territories. This constitutes a good opportunity for the political parties that oppose the Benkirane cabinet and that wish to enhance their power, after having sustained a heavy blow in the previous elections. Apparently, The Socialist Union's struggle to come back to the front cannot be separated from the global political conflict equations. On one hand, the Socialist Union is describing the government as being a rightist “conservative movement" although the Coalition includes a leftist party; and on the other hand, the Union is working to revive the Democratic Bloc that once included the Socialist Union, the Istiqlal, and the Progress and Socialism parties. Hamid Chabat, the head of the Istiqlal party, understood that and launched an open confrontation with the government in which his party is taking part. Chabat used all kinds of means in this confrontation, with the ethical dimensions coming at the forefront, as he accused a minister of accessing the parliament in an unnatural manner, which made cabinet issue a statement condemning this “defamation." The concern with the election is not limited to the opposition groups alone. Other parties within the ruling coalition are also working on improving their records to please the voters. This implies that the shock caused by the victory of the Justice and Development in the past elections is still affecting the equations of the political game. The Socialist Union specifically could have decided to accept Al-Yousefi's advice. However, Al-Yousefi seems ready to play a part in the near future or to merely provide pieces of advices without bearing any responsibility. Thus, he will keep being a man of the state who chose his way at the right moment.
