The Moroccan government has paid heed to the dark tunnel it was heading towards. It thus turned on the red light, and plainly announced that there would be no increase of the price of basic consumer goods, specifically flour, oil, sugar and gasoline. Yet it did not exclude gradually eliminating the Compensation Fund tasked with subsidizing such goods. Two events at least forced it not to fall into a mistake that would have threatened the social order. Indeed, certain parties in the government coalition had been keen on avoiding such an option, which would have been difficult to promote and to convince Moroccans to swallow without pain or indigestion that would only worsen with time. Credit is due for paying heed to such dangers to the Independence (Istiqlal) Party, which has previously experienced angry reactions in the early 1980s, the day the government ratified an increase of the price of flour, igniting a wave of unrest in several cities. Yet the debate that has been raised regarding the possibility of making use of economic and social reform for political ends, when members of the opposition proclaimed that millions of families in need benefiting from financial aid could drive them to vote in favor of the Justice and Development Party (PJD – Parti de la Justice et du Développement), has had a tremendous impact on reconsidering measures to be taken that are viewed as affecting the structure of a society which has grown accustomed to a rate of consumption that exhausts the budget yet preserves social cohesion, even if at an exorbitant cost. Moreover, it has not been proven that coming so close to the red lines drawn around subsidies to consumer goods has gone by without certain violations having taken place that are cause for concern. Beyond the government backing down on decisions it was in the process of discussing, Morocco's Islamists in particular do not want to duplicate experiences that have led to a relapse in the countries of what is known as the Arab Spring. And although they have continued to consider this wave to be favoring movements with an Islamic frame of reference which have monopolized influence, they have shown more reservation towards duplicating the particulars of it, being helped in this by the fact that their partners in the executive apparatus have considered differences to represent a positive phenomenon, without reaching the point of declaring themselves to be completely unconnected to it. Evidence of this is the fact that the margin preventing any one party from monopolizing decision-making powers is not always a negative one. Its positive aspect in fact resides in opening the eyes of decision-makers to zones of shade, as well as in the fact that any discussion within the constituents of the governmental majority remains preferable to taking decisions that might prove unsound and inappropriate, especially when it comes to making choices that carry a strategic dimension, the likes of eliminating the Compensation Fund. And despite the fact that differing interpretations within the government coalition nearly led to its collapse in the past, on a background of quarrels and verbal exchanges that went out of hand at times, paying heed to the repercussions of political and economic decisions before they come into effect is preferable to testing them on the ground. Yet what helped Abdelilah Benkirane's government not to be hasty was the fact that Morocco's experience remains different from the kind of situation that has driven Islamist movements to the forefront, most prominently within this context the fact that the quiet change brought by the ballot boxes is taking place within the framework of preserving the balance of the existing state structure, where institutions and constitutional frames of references exist that keep branches of government separate. It was perhaps the threat by some opposition factions of making use of the legitimacy of a vote of no-confidence against the government that allowed for the partners within the current coalition to be driven to reexamine the margins of their disagreements, which had grown acute to a degree exceeding the opposition's criticism. Alongside this debate, the (formerly Communist) Party of Progress and Socialism (PPS – Parti du Progrès et du Socialisme) exerted efforts towards making the opposition feel that a vote of no-confidence against the government and the possibility of resorting to holding anticipated elections may well leave the current political map unchanged, and in fact could allow for broadly expanding the influence of the Islamist party (the PJD). Yet waving the threat of the possibility for the Islamist party to monopolize even more influence could drive both partners and rivals to carefully take into account the results of every round of the struggle currently taking place. Yet the distinguishing feature of the heated debate on social, political and economic problems, the scope of which has become limited, is the fact that it is taking place within the two Chambers of Parliament or in political forums, without resorting to the street, even if it is most likely that the fast-multiplying social movements being led by labor unions and civil society activists do not exceed the exertion of pressures urging the government to meet social demands. On the occasion of two years having passed since the eruption of social movements led by the February 20 Youth Movement, some of the features of the scene have been altered in a positive direction. Indeed, everyone recognizes the role played by the movement in moving the political struggle to the street, and few imagine that it has achieved its goals, although many of the slogans that abounded in popular protests have turned into programs, at least in terms of stating that there is no alternative to continuing the war against corruption and against certain aspects of oppression. It can also be recorded to the movement's credit that many of the practices that used to prey on people's wealth and dignity are now being faced with a much greater degree of resistance. And there is no better evidence of this than the fact that the incident of one judge forcing a citizen to kiss his feet in order to be pardoned has turned into an issue of public opinion that rejects demeaning people's dignity in any way. Indeed, reform begins with a few drops, like the rivers that flow in seasons of natural abundance, and there are always those who stubbornly insist on swimming against the current of nature.
