France is sliding gradually towards wide-scale military intervention in Mali, where Islamist fundamentalists were practically able to sever and control the northern part of the country. This control was accompanied by a major political crisis that was triggered by a military coup, and is still ongoing despite numerous African mediations. And in the past weeks, following the defeat of the Malian army in the North, it seemed that geographic unity was at risk, which could allow the fundamentalists to expand their influence towards the South. France was the first to call for an action to besiege fundamentalist influence, prevent it from expanding and eliminate it. It thus approached the concerned African states, especially Algeria, but also the United Nations to ensure a resolution authorizing military intervention. In addition, Paris anticipated the arrival of the African troops supposed to deter the Islamists by launching air operations and dispatching more ground forces, whose numbers are likely to increase with the expansion of the battles and the resistance shown by the Islamists. This French intervention was justified by the rush to help the Malian government upon this government's request, but also by the attempts to prevent the establishment of a safe zone for the fundamentalists in Northern Mali, from which they would head out to the neighboring states and Europe. But in reality, this is about France's higher interests in this part of Africa. Indeed, by looking at the map, one can clearly see the size of these French interests in Mali's neighboring states, namely in Niger – to the east of Mali – where France has invested in the most important uranium mines which constitute the pillar of its modern industry and its striking force. This is also where the fundamentalists defied it by kidnapping two French nationals who work in the mines and who are still being held hostage by the Islamists. In addition, the Islamist control over Northern Mali threatens Algeria along its southern border and Mauritania on the eastern border. And it is known that these two countries are engaged in a war against the latter terrorists who started gathering in Northern Mali to flee the pursuit of the Algerian and Mauritanian troops. This means that the operation also aims to protect the numerous French interests in both countries, not to mention the fact that French influence is most prominent in the other Malian neighboring countries, especially Senegal and the Ivory Coast. In that sense, the French operation in Mali enjoys an extremely vital character for Paris, after the Islamist fundamentalists' control over Northern Mali has started to threaten French strategic interests in Saharan Africa. In parallel to that threat, the European states – including France – fear seeing the transformation of any region close to their border into a safe haven for terrorism, especially since the European countries remain a permanent target for fundamentalist movements which previously carried out major terrorist operations in the Old Continent, and still are. Hence, the European targeting of this haven in Northern Mali is a preemptive step in the war on terrorism. On the other hand, while some European states offered logistic help to the French operation, none among the other European countries, especially Britain, Italy and Germany, is even considering getting involved militarily. This is not to mention other legal and constitutional obstacles and the lack of France's military capabilities in Africa, especially its air force which is deployed in Malian neighboring countries. Hence, Paris rushed to defend its geostrategic interests with its military capabilities to act as a spearhead in this war. But like all similar wars, a military operation supposed to be limited and serving specific goals can escalate into wide-scale and increasing military involvement. So can France handle the burden of such a new war?
