Not one Lebanese can help but support Speaker Nabih Berri's call for severing the arm of whomever blocks the airport road, and his condemnation of the insanity. But who will sever the hands of the ones practicing thuggery vis-à-vis the state, thus gradually eroding its role – which in fact has happened – restoring the ghost of civil war and bringing back to square one the abstinence policy adopted toward the Syrian earthquake. Between those warning against the situation's escalation to the point of becoming out of control - even if via Hezbollah's power - those threatening about the consequences of playing with the card of the friction lines, and those talking about dire consequences for the attempts to obstruct the army's role, the Lebanese are nearing their own earthquake, to the beat of the eternal war between Jabal Mohsen and Bab al-Tebbaneh in Tripoli. What heralded the earthquake was the exceptional conspiracy featured in the explosions plan known as the Michel Samaha scandal, for reasons which no longer bear any analyses and speculations. It was also revealed by the defiance of the state, the targeting of the army with bullets, and the sniper shots which followed the anarchy of kidnappings based on nationality, unlike the 1975 war traditions – without this undermining the presence of denominational instead of religious wings. As to the question related to the fierceness of the Tripoli Dahes wal-Ghabra' battles, it is not without legitimacy. This is following official Lebanese steps which started with the lawsuit filed against a prominent Syrian figure in the case of the terrorist explosions plan, and Lebanese President Michel Suleiman's stressing of non-partnership with the army in upholding the country's sovereignty. Many signs thus emerged throughout the past few weeks, hinting to a Lebanese inclination to officially sever the decision-making ties with Damascus, considering that what was produced by the developments and the war in Syria during 17 months leaves no room for the disregarding of the possibilities of coexistence with the next day, even if a deluge were to follow the earthquake. Among the dark jokes of the Lebanese are ones related to the military wings of the families, clans and even denominations. And while there is a silent consensus today over the existence of attempts to end the role of the state and the army in containing the repercussions of the Syrian predicament, the only constant is the collapse of the abstinence policy. In the meantime, the spirits are tense in light of the scenes of major massacres occurring in Syria, without them unifying the Lebanese political forces, even if over the ways to deter the fire. Hence, everyone has failed, including those who believe that the Syrian events are temporary. And while Prime Minister Najib Mikati said that he could not say anything else, this does not refute the fact that many among the parties' elements, the bearers of weapons and the clans' brigades have the ability to defy the Lebanese state on the airport road and deeply undermine its status, even in light of its decision to sever the hands committing violations. So is this the beginning of the 1975 tunnel once again? Are the clans joining the sects, knowing that the former are present everywhere and can consequently impose their control, thus rendering the bus of the Lebanese kidnapped in Syria similar to the Ain al-Remmaneh bus? All this while the tragedy of the chaotic kidnappings brings everyone back to square one in publicly wondering “where is the state?" And what is its purpose if it cannot protect the airport road? The paradox in Tripoli yesterday paved the way before questions such as: Who is protecting the citizens? Or who is protecting the army against the sniper shots and strife?! The growing mayhem and anarchy push toward the recollection of the Western insistence on Lebanon's stability, which turned into guarantees and exaggerations that quickly collapsed since the explosions conspiracy and the anarchy on the streets and in the media outlets. Hence, what cannot be ignored in terms of the divisions between March 8 and 14 among others, the disputes which start with the handling of the Syrian earthquake and do not end with the livelihood files, the stubbornness in showing hostility toward countries offering job opportunities to tens of thousands of Lebanese and the inability of the two teams – or one of them – to make concessions to facilitate salvation, have led Lebanon toward the brink of the abyss. It is the major failure that might topple what is left of the role of the state, if the councils multiply and if the various parties continue to resort to weapons and the heroism of instigating against the other, whether the Lebanese, the Arab or the foreigner, while fueling instincts via television screens. But are the events in the country not mere amended and blatant replicas of the rounds of thuggery practiced against the state by the majority of the powers and parties, sometimes under the pretext of salvaging the nation and the state? The contract among the Lebanese collapses in the face of each crisis, even if it is imported. And while one could say that the Syrian earthquake is much stronger than the people's ability to resist, the reality which cannot be denied is the absence of a combining command enjoying the courage to admit its mistakes and to offer concessions, before ending the thuggery against the state.
