The municipal elections are taking place today in Morocco, within the framework of planning for the future. However, between the past, the present, and the future ambitions, the current period is still imposing itself. There are more than 30 political parties, countless foiled and fumbled attempts to shift the powers of the "nanny state" to the elected councils, and a wide gulf between the Moroccan rich and poor, which cannot be hidden by cosmetics. The reason why the scope of the wager seems limited, when it comes to pushing forward with the local democratic progress and the new structural reforms by the government, is that King Muhammad VI proposed a new humanitarian development plan that contains a strategy to develop the rural areas, revive marginal areas, and limit the gulf between classes and societies, only two years after the municipal elections of 2003 were held. This implies criticism of the developmental efforts pursued by local authorities, which necessitate a good preparation for Morocco's future, while the country is shifting towards more decentralization that can give municipalities more power to handle the most complicated social and economic issues. The situation is not that bleak, but it is not as rosy as the optimists would like to paint it. However, based on the extent of current challenges, we can say that the political reconciliation that was achieved at the end of last century was not accompanied by changes in the nature of the reconciliation with the economic and social reality, which would enhance democracy. The biggest hurdle that led people to hold their breath might be the low participation rate, seen at the 2007 elections. It was big enough to push everyone to admit that there was something wrong with the engine of the democratic process. A high presence at the ballots shows confidence the elections' success, while a weak turnout means that something is going wrong and it needs to be fixed. On one hand, we have a huge number of parties and that does not help voters in making a correct choice. On the other hand, we have voters who want to have a feel of democracy in their daily lives as soon as possible. Furthermore, the shift of the main parties in the former opposition to the frontline of government responsibilities created a vacuum, which the new opposition found hard to fill without any repercussions. Yet, the nature of municipal elections differs from that of legislative ones. The former are more similar to an examination of reality. Thus, the participation or non-participation in the elections will have a much bigger effect on drawing the guidelines of the democratic system, which has the shape of a pyramid. The base of the pyramid is made of elected councils, prominent voters, and legislative institutions. The biggest challenge in Friday's elections stands in the fact that no political party or coalition is able to cover all the electoral precincts, whose number surpasses 27,000. Besides, supervising the electoral process necessitates a similar number of representatives from each party or bloc. Also, a map of the precincts is distributed all over the country, especially rural precincts and remote areas, which are hard to reach. All politicians admit that this reality prevents political parties from extending their influence, and it means that no single faction can win the majority of seats. Coexisting with this reality and accepting it has become a necessity in legislative elections, because of their political importance, and there is no doubt that this fact will be of prime importance at the municipal elections as well. However, there is difference between both elections: the alliances in the rural and urban municipal councils and the elections for the mayoral positions in the cities are not subject to party allegiances and are not affected by the alliances between the opposition and loyalists within the government. Thus, in the list of priorities, there is no alternative to decreasing the number of parties and merging them into three or four political blocs. Experience has shown that the proliferation of political parties is not a sign of a healthy plurality. There is also no alternative to progressing in the decentralization option, unless a new law is passed, to give the provinces more autonomy in running their own affairs. Most importantly, there is no alternative to siding with the people and listening to their needs and pulse. Constitutional and political reforms might have not been implemented completely, but economic and social reforms are right next door; so, one should grab the opportunity before it vanishes and before the waiting period become longer.
