For the first time, a US official has clearly and directly acknowledged that regime change in Iraq has empowered Iran, and that the US invasion has turned the balance of power upside down, yielding results that are contrary to US interests – with more problems created than solved. In an interview with Al Hayat a few days ago, the head of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee John Kerry expressed what sounded like remorse on toppling Saddam Hussein and leaving the Iraqi scene open to Iranian influence, even if he ended up defending the new US approach to Tehran – justifying it with the fact that things always take a turn for the worse whenever Washington attempts to change regimes. Kerry's belated words confirm a well-known truth to Iraqis, Arabs, and the world: Tehran largely controls the situation in Iraq. Its allies in the Shiite Parties Coalition rose to power and deliberately blurred the security and political lines between the Sunni Popular Bloc and the Al Qaeda terrorists. And yet, there remains an essential party in the Iraqi fabric beyond Iranian influence: the Kurds, who promoted change and enhanced the autonomy they enjoyed even under Saddam Hussein – this is so despite their active and broad participation in the new regime. Having experienced Baghdad's tyranny and tasted its chemical weapons, the Kurds will not easily let go of their blood-tainted achievements, especially federalism that has become part of the Constitution. Nor can they trust that Baghdad's ‘governor' – whether al-Maliki or anyone else – will not seek to restore Kurdistan to its ‘original house' if he manages to gather sufficient elements of power (the army, the economy, governing institutions). For this reason, they are keen to keep oil-rich Kirkuk and refuse to deploy the army in the disputed regions if it does not follow the instructions of the local administration. Perhaps this explains Ali Khamenei's indirect and sudden attack against the Kurds, accusing the United States of training, arming, and funding groups in Iraqi Kurdistan in order to attack Iran; and asserting that Americans have dangerous plans for Kurdistan. It is clear from the statement of Khamenei – who chose the presence of Iraqi (Kurd) Foreign Minister Hoshyar Zebari in Tehran to level his accusations – that Tehran wishes at the very least to make Kurdistan one of the negotiation points with the US. Indeed, like the Baghdad government, it suspects the Kurds' ability to control security in their regions, casting doubts on their political orientations and relations with their Turkish, Iranian, and Iraqi (Arab) environment itself, portraying their independence as a threat to the neighboring countries and an obstacle to the normalization of relations with Iraq. Quick to deny the Iranian accusations, the Americans accused Tehran of interfering in Iraqi affairs as it still sends fighters and weapons to Iraq to fight American troops. As for the Kurds, they are well-aware of Iranian methods of manipulating their relations with their allies to attain various objectives. Indeed, they see in Hezbollah's behavior in Lebanon and its invasion of Beirut a year ago a model of what might happen to them if they slacken in this respect.
