When one takes a look at Egypt, the situation appears complicated and raises fears that the crisis will continue in its current state. But if one examines things more closely and observes that Cairo's streets have seen their traditional congestion and activity return, it is possible to say that things are back to normal. This is nothing surprising, because Egyptians themselves are optimistic, despite what they have experienced, and what is awaiting them. When following developments in Turkey, one hears Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan talk about the Israeli role in ousting President Mohamed Morsi, and sees Erdogan's anger: again, there is no surprise here. There is no great difference between the stances of Erdogan and Mohammad Baltagi with regard to what took place in Egypt. The two are key figures in a large organization, the Muslim Brotherhood, which ruled the largest Arab country. Like other members of the leadership of the Brotherhood in Egypt and elsewhere, they had hoped to make great achievements. They were deprived of this opportunity by a wide segment of the Egyptian people and the country's army, which responded to the people's will. When one sits down and watches Al-Jazeera's live coverage of Egypt, one does not ask about the possibility of seeing live coverage of Doha, Qatar. There are the endless airings of the documentary entitled "Manufacturing Lies," about how the Egyptian media dealt with the popular uprising of 25 January 2011. One can also ask whether the same title could apply to the station's coverage of the popular uprising of 30 June of this year, or the scenes that have been aired, and will air, before and after the film, portraying huge crowds in the streets and public squares of Egypt, demanding Morsi's return, while other stations show the same areas as being empty of people. It is no surprise, since Qatar's stance on the Brotherhood and what happened to them in Egypt are well-known, and are only reflected by Al-Jazeera. The statements, efforts, and contacts by Qatar's foreign minister, in a bid to muster European support for the Brotherhood and corner the new regime in Egypt, are out in the open, and understandable. There is no comparison between Qatar's efforts, and the anger of Saudi Arabia about what is happening in Egypt, and the barrier built by the Kingdom to protect Egypt and its people from foreign intervention. Saudi Arabia is a leading country that has other Arab countries behind it, and they have adopted the same stance. King Abdullah bin Abdel-Aziz has much appreciation for Egypt and has taken a position dictated by his religion, his expertise, and his conscience. Saudi Arabia's foreign minister, Prince Saud al-Faisal, stood next to the French president and warned against any measures against Egypt, explaining the reality of the situation and the nature of Egypt's problems. Meanwhile, his Qatari counterpart was meeting with the foreign minister of France, and urging him to accelerate sanctions against Cairo. Thus, walking the streets of Egypt and asking its people about their impressions of the two countries' stances are sufficient to tell us that they see nothing surprising about the matter. Riyadh gave the Egyptians what they were waiting for, while they received something unexpected from Doha. It is natural for the Saudi ambassador in Cairo, Ahmad Qattan, to travel around the country to follow up the on-the-ground implementation of his country's support, as Egyptians welcome and thank him. Meanwhile, his Qatari counterpart is pursued by rumors that Brotherhood leaders are hiding out in his residence! The fate of the Muslim Brotherhood, and the continual failure in the way the party dealt with crisis after it failed in power, are not surprising. Ever since the popular uprising in Egypt of 2011, the Brotherhood has embraced only mistaken choices. There are several indications that life is returning to normal in Egypt, even if some problems remain. The streets and surrounding areas and neighborhoods of the capital are no longer the same, after Morsi's ouster, as they were thanks to the marches by the Brotherhood and its supporters, and their security measures. There has been a game of cat-and-mouse, along with random violence; naturally, the sit-in protest at Rabaa al-Adawiya and al-Nahda squares, and the curfew after these protests were broken up. Violence has spread, and there have been armed processions and attacks on police and security facilities, and government buildings, and a rise in incidents of killing based on religious affiliation, or spreading terror among the public. Cairo and many other Egyptian cities are not the same, after the absence of security during the day and at night. The quiet, the security ambushes, the emptiness, and the silence are broken only by the sounds of gunfire, whether by attackers, or police and the Army. European and American warnings have quieted down or disappeared, because of the popular momentum against violence and against the Brotherhood inside the country, and Saudi Arabia's position outside the country. The steadfastness of the police, the firm stance of the army, and the mistakes of the Brotherhood led to results that have been reflected in the street. Egypt is quickly recovering despite what it has experienced, benefiting from a solution made in Egypt, and from Arab support. Problems will remain, and Egyptians will confront a number of conundrums, but the fears of state collapse have evaporated. Speeding up implementation of the political road map, with no double standards, favoring one group over another, or seeing the interests of one side win out over those of another, will be beneficial to all. However, the Brotherhood is at a crossroads and faces several options, but ruling Egypt is not one of them. The best it can hope for is accepting what happened to the party, and not being excluded from the political scene. But there is considerable fear that the Brotherhood will pursue the worst possible option, as it has in the past.
