When Spanish Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy will visit Morocco, he will find that many things have changed. Rabat, which never aspired for exerting any pressure on its northern neighbor during the interim period following the passing of General Franco, would like Madrid to treat it likewise today in order for it to achieve a quality step in its newborn democratic path. Indeed, the relationships between the two neighboring countries do not need any new crisis especially that the two countries have a confrontations-rich history. Neighbors cannot keep their friendship hanging and moving from one crisis into a more complicated one. Nevertheless, it will not be hard for two countries that have experienced the complications of the casual crises to realize that a straight line is the closest way to reduce the distances of estrangement and coldness. There is a paradox represented in that the Spanish Popular Party – which tried to incite the countries of the European Union against Morocco following the breaking of the crisis of the Leila uninhabited island – is the same party that has started to distance itself from the position of the European Union that rejects the extension of the coastal fishing agreement with Morocco. The justifications of the Spanish concern the negative effect of the failure to renew the agreement on a wide sector of the economy that is facing additional crises. Thus, the concept of the Spanish interest transcends the commitments to Spain's membership in the EU. As it is well aware of such repercussions, Spain should have done its best in order to prevent the European decision. But most importantly, Spain's efforts at convincing its partners to re-consider the circumstances of the decision should become a reason for Morocco to protect its special interests in the relationship with Spain in a similar manner. Madrid can claim that the European logic in dealing with the economic and financial crises does not stand in the Moroccan case because Spain will be the most adversely affected party in the event of the suspension of the fishing agreement. Thus, matters should have been looked at from different angles even if Morocco was the first targeted party in this process. Furthermore, Morocco is neither a secluded island nor one that is separated from the European space. It is rather the closest point to its southern extension, which is considered as a vital outlet for marketing the products and the wealth. It was agreed to grant Morocco an advanced status, which is less than a full membership but more than a political and economic partnership. When the Europeans took this initiative, they knew that attracting a country like Morocco into a promising space falls in the context of supporting development with the aim of helping their southern neighbor to get rid of the difficulties, which eventually turn into exported problems. The officials of the Spanish Popular Party were aware of this situation. There might be some sides that did not like the so-called “Rabat insurgency”, which was represented by a march of around three million persons against the Spanish conservative party. However, Morocco's behavior was a democratic one. Instead of taking radical stands against a party that was then in the opposition clan, it opted for sounding the alarm bell and expressing a high level of protest. But in the world of politics, it is all about the timing. The Popular Party that once used the card of Morocco in its internal conflicts with the Spanish socialists no longer needs to play additional rounds in a conflict that allowed it to monopolize power. There is a psychological bet on the axis of the Moroccan-Spanish relations. Indeed, Morocco's northern neighbor has failed to get rid of the old complex that resulted when Madrid withdrew from Saguia el-Hamra and Río de Oro during a difficult phase. Things got even worse when military and political lobbies kept on depicting Morocco as the source of all risks. The leaders of the Spanish Popular Party surrendered to this description and they thought that war with Morocco could start around the sovereignty over the two occupied cities of Ceuta and Melilla in the north. It is hard for Morocco to understand the reasons that are still preventing the launching of a political dialogue on the future of the two cities. It is also hard for it to assimilate some of the biased positions when it comes to the file of the Sahara based on the fact that an old colonizer cannot possibly be a neutral side. Thus, the psychological complex that was left unsolved is expanding continuously. Only the leader of the Popular Party and the present Prime Minister, Mariano Rajoy, can achieve what the others failed to achieve. This is because a durable agreement is normally reached with the radicals. However, if it focuses on the current files such as the fishing file, Rajoy's expected visit will not succeed in chasing away all the clouds. If the Spanish conservative leader succeeds in obtaining a green light from the European partners, then his negotiations in Rabat will be difficult ones. Everything depends on the regional developments. However, the change that was launched in Morocco might constitute a momentum that will lead the way for the re-arranging of the priorities of friendship and good neighborly relationships.
